好英语网危情七日：特朗普如何将美伊推向战争边缘
WASHINGTON — The plane was late and the kill team was worried. International listings showed that Cham Wings Airlines Flight 6Q501, scheduled to take off from Damascus, Syria, at 7:30 p.m. for Baghdad, had departed; but in fact, an informant at the airport reported, it was still on the ground, and the targeted passenger had not yet shown up.
华盛顿——飞机晚点了，击杀组很担心。国际航班表显示定于下午7点30分从叙利亚大马士革起飞前往巴格达的鞑靼之翼航空公司(Cham Wings Airlines)6Q501航班已经出发；但实际上，机场的一名线人报告称，飞机仍在地面上，目标乘客尚未出现。
The hours ticked by, and some involved in the operation wondered if it should be called off. Then, just before the plane door closed, a convoy of cars pulled up on the tarmac carrying Gen. Qassem Soleimani, Iran’s security mastermind, who climbed on board along with two escorts. Flight 6Q501 lifted off, three hours late, bound for the Iraqi capital.
几个小时过去了，一些参与者在想要不要取消行动。接着，就在飞机舱门关闭之前，一支载着伊朗安全事务主脑卡西姆·苏莱曼尼(Qassem Soleimani)将军的车队抵达停机坪，苏莱曼尼与两名护卫一起登上了飞机。6Q501航班在晚点三个小时后起飞，目的地是伊拉克首都。
伊朗民众哀悼苏莱曼尼少将。
The plane landed at Baghdad International Airport just after midnight, at 12:36 a.m., and the first to disembark were Soleimani and his entourage. Waiting at the bottom of the gangway was Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, an Iraqi official in charge of militias and close to Iran. Two cars carrying the group headed into the night — shadowed by American MQ-9 Reaper drones. At 12:47, the first of several missiles smashed into the vehicles, engulfing them in flames and leaving 10 charred bodies inside.
飞机于午夜刚过的12点36分降落在巴格达国际机场，最早下飞机的是苏莱曼尼及其随从。等候在舷梯下的是与伊朗关系紧密的武装组织负责人、伊拉克官员阿布·马赫迪·穆汉迪斯(Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis)。两辆汽车载着这些人驶入夜幕——美国的MQ-9收割者(MQ-9 Reaper drones)无人机正悬在他们头顶。12点47分，几枚导弹中的第一枚击中车辆，令其陷入一片火海，在车内留下了10具烧焦的尸体。
The operation that took out Soleimani, commander of the Quds Force of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard, propelled the United States to the precipice of war with Iran and plunged the world into seven days of roiling uncertainty. The story of those seven days, and the secret planning in the months preceding them, ranks as the most perilous chapter so far in President Donald Trump’s three years in office.
这次行动击毙了伊朗革命卫队圣城军(Quds Force of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard)指挥官苏莱曼尼，将美伊两国推向战争的边缘，并使世界陷入了动荡不安的七天。这七天的故事，以及此前数月的秘密筹划，是唐纳德·特朗普总统任职三年以来最危险的一个片段。
The president’s decision to ratchet up decades of simmering conflict with Iran set off an extraordinary worldwide drama, much of which played out behind the scenes. In capitals from Europe to the Middle East, leaders and diplomats sought to head off a full-fledged new war, while at the White House and Pentagon, the president and his advisers ordered more troops to the region.
总统决定让两国数十年来的紧张对峙升级，从而在全球范围内引发了一场非同寻常的动荡，而其中大部分是在幕后进行的。在从欧洲到中东的各国首都，领导人和外交官力图阻止又一场全面的战争，而在白宫和五角大楼，总统及其顾问下令向该地区派遣更多的部队。
European leaders, incensed at being kept in the dark, scrambled to keep Iran from escalating. If it did, Americans developed plans to strike a command-and-control ship and conduct a cyberattack to partly disable Iran’s oil and gas sector.
欧洲领导人对于被蒙在鼓里感到愤怒，纷纷出面阻止伊朗进一步升级其行动。如果伊朗真的这么做了，美国已经计划好打击一艘指挥舰，并发动网络攻击以令伊朗的石油和天然气行业陷入局部瘫痪。
But the United States also sent secret messages through Swiss intermediaries urging Iran not to respond so forcefully that Trump would feel compelled to go even further. After Iran did respond — firing 16 missiles at bases housing U.S. troops without hurting anyone, as a relatively harmless show of force — a message came back through the Swiss saying that would be the end of its reprisal for now. The message, forwarded to Washington within five minutes after it was received, persuaded the president to stand down.
但美国也通过瑞士的中间人发出了秘密信息，敦促伊朗不要做出如此激烈的回应，以免特朗普觉得有必要采取进一步行动。伊朗的回应是向美军基地发射了16枚导弹，但没有伤及任何人，这是一种相对无害的武力展示，随后，一条消息通过瑞士传回来，称复仇行动目前已经告一段落。这条信息在收到后五分钟内被转到华盛顿，说服总统放弃进一步的行动。
When the week ended without the war many feared, Trump boasted that he had taken out a U.S. enemy. But the struggle between two nations is not really over. Iran may find other ways to take revenge. Iraqi leaders may expel U.S. forces, accomplishing in death what Soleimani tried and failed to do in life.
到了这一周的最后，许多人担心的战争并没有发生，特朗普吹嘘他消灭了一个美国的敌人。但是两国之间的争斗并没有真正结束。伊朗可能会找到其他方式进行报复。伊拉克领导人可能会驱逐美军，这是苏莱曼尼生前曾尝试但未能做到的事情。
The episode briefly gave Trump’s allies something to cheer, distracting from the coming Senate impeachment trial, but now Trump faces questions even among Republicans about the shifting justifications for the strike that he and his national security team have offered. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo initially cited the need to forestall an “imminent” attack, and the president has amplified that to say four U.S. embassies were targeted.
这段插曲一时间给了特朗普的盟友一些值得庆贺的东西，令人们将注意力从即将到来的参议院弹劾审判上移开，但现在甚至连共和党人都在质疑特朗普，他们认为，他和他的国家安全团队在解释袭击行动的合理性时不断改口。国务卿迈克·庞皮欧(Mike Pompeo)最初表示，有必要预先阻止“迫在眉睫”的袭击，总统将这一理由放大，称有四个美国大使馆成为袭击目标。
But administration officials said they did not actually know when or where such an attack might occur. And some senior military commanders were stunned that Trump picked what they considered a radical option with unforeseen consequences.
但政府官员表示，他们实际上并不知道这种攻击可能在何时何地发生。一些高级军事指挥官对特朗普选择了他们认为具有不可预见后果的冒进选项感到震惊。
This account — based on interviews with dozens of Trump administration officials, military officers, diplomats, intelligence analysts and others in the United States, Europe and the Middle East — offers new details about what may be the most consequential seven days of the Trump presidency.
本文基于对特朗普政府数十名官员、军官、外交官、情报分析师以及美国、欧洲和中东的其他人士的采访，就可能是特朗普总统任内最重要的七天给出了新的细节。
Exerting Power, Praying for a Martyr’s Death
施展力量，为烈士祈祷
The confrontation may have actually begun by accident. For years, Iran has sponsored proxy forces in Iraq, competing for influence with U.S. troops who first arrived in the invasion of 2003. Starting last fall, Iranian-backed militias launched rockets at Iraqi bases that house U.S. troops, shattering nerves more than doing much damage.
实际上，这场对抗的开始可能纯属意外。多年来，伊朗一直在伊拉克资助代理武装，与2003年入侵后驻扎在那里的美军争夺势力。从去年秋天开始，伊朗支持的武装组织向驻伊拉克美军基地发射火箭，让人心惊胆战，但并没有造成多少破坏。
So when rockets smashed into the K1 military base near Kirkuk on Dec. 27, killing an American civilian contractor, Nawres Waleed Hamid, and injuring several others, the only surprise was the casualties. Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militia group held responsible, had fired at least five other rocket attacks on bases with Americans in the previous month without deadly results.
去年12月27日，基尔库克附近的K1军事基地再次遭到火箭袭击，导致美国平民承包商纳乌尔斯·瓦利德·哈米德(Nawres Waleed Hamid)丧生，数人受伤，唯一令人意外的是有人员伤亡。上个月，由伊朗支持的武装组织真主党(Hezbollah)又向美军基地发射了至少五枚火箭弹，但没有造成死伤。
U.S. intelligence officials monitoring communications between Hezbollah and Soleimani’s Guard learned that the Iranians wanted to keep the pressure on the Americans but had not intended to escalate the low-level conflict. The rockets landed in a place and at a time when U.S. and Iraqi personnel normally were not there, and it was only by unlucky chance that Hamid was killed, U.S. officials said.
监控真主党和苏莱曼尼卫队通讯的美国情报官员了解到，伊朗人希望继续对美国人施压，但无意升级这场小规模冲突。美国官员说，火箭弹选择的时间地点通常应该是不会有美国和伊拉克人员在的，哈米德遇害纯属不幸的意外。
But that did not matter to Trump and his team. An American was dead, and the president who had called off a retaliatory strike with 10 minutes to go in June and otherwise refrained from military action in response to Iranian provocations now faced a choice.
但这对特朗普和他的团队来说并不重要。有一个美国人死了。6月，总统曾在最后10分钟取消了报复性打击，在其他方面也避免对伊朗的挑衅采取军事行动，如今他又面临选择。
Advisers told him Iran had probably misinterpreted his previous reluctance to use force as a sign of weakness. To reestablish deterrence, he should authorize a tough response. The president agreed to strikes on five sites in Iraq and Syria two days later, killing at least 25 members of Kataib Hezbollah and injuring at least 50 more.
顾问们告诉他，伊朗可能将他先前不愿使用武力误解为软弱的表现。为了重建威慑力，他应该授权采取强硬回应。总统同意两天后对伊拉克和叙利亚的五个地点进行打击，杀死了至少25名卡塔伊卜真主党成员，另外还有至少50人受伤。
Two days later, on Dec. 31, pro-Iranian protesters backed by many members of the same militia responded by breaking into the U.S. Embassy compound in Baghdad and setting fires. Worried about repeats of the 1979 embassy takeover in Iran or the 2012 attack on a diplomatic post in Benghazi, Libya, Trump and his team ordered more than 100 Marines to rush to Baghdad from Kuwait.
两天后，也就是12月31日，在同一武装组织的许多成员支持下，亲伊朗抗议者冲进美国驻巴格达大使馆园区内并纵火。特朗普和他的团队担心1979年伊朗使馆被占领或2012年利比亚班加西外交使领馆遇袭事件重演，于是命令100多名海军陆战队员从科威特赶往巴格达。
Still, Trump grew agitated and ready to authorize a more robust response. And Dec. 31, even as protests were beginning, a top secret memo began circulating, signed by Robert O’Brien, his national security adviser, listing potential targets, including an Iranian energy facility and a command-and-control ship used by the Guard to direct small boats that harass oil tankers in the waters around Iran. The ship had been an irritant to Americans for months, especially after a series of covert attacks on oil tankers.
不过特朗普还是变得越来越不安，准备授权做出更强势的回应。12月31日，抗议开始后，他的团队开始传阅一份机密备忘录，由他的国家安全顾问罗伯特·奥布莱恩(Robert O’Brien)签署，其中列出了潜在目标，包括伊朗能源设施和一艘苏莱曼尼卫队的联合指挥舰，用于指挥小型船只在伊朗海域附近骚扰油轮。数月来，这艘指挥舰一直是美国人的心腹之患，尤其是在一系列针对油轮的隐蔽攻击之后。
The memo also listed a more provocative option: targeting specific Iranian officials for death by military strike. Among the targets mentioned, according to officials who saw it, was Soleimani.
备忘录还列出了一个更挑衅的选项：采取军事打击杀死特定的伊朗官员。据看到报告的官员称，其中提到的目标里就有苏莱曼尼。
Soleimani was hardly a household name in the United States, but as far as U.S. officials were concerned, he was responsible for more instability and death in the Middle East than almost anyone.
苏莱曼尼在美国并不是家喻户晓的名字，但美国官员认为，他对中东的动荡与死亡要负最大责任。
As head of the elite Quds Force, Soleimani was effectively the second most powerful man in Iran and had a hand in managing proxy wars in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen, including a campaign of roadside bombs and other attacks that killed an estimated 600 U.S. troops during the height of the Iraq War.
作为精英部队“圣城军”的指挥，苏莱曼尼实际上是伊朗第二号权势人物，参与了伊拉克、叙利亚、黎巴嫩和也门的代理战争筹划，其中包括一系列路边炸弹袭击和其他恐怖袭击，导致伊拉克战争最激烈的时期里约600名美国军人丧生。
At 62, with a narrow face, gray hair and a close-cropped beard, Soleimani had emerged in recent years following the Arab Spring and war with the Islamic State as the public figure most associated with Iran’s goal of achieving regional dominance. Photographs surfaced showing him visiting the front lines in Iraq or Syria, and meeting with Iran’s supreme leader in Tehran and sitting down with Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in Lebanon. When President Bashar Assad of Syria visited Tehran last year, it was Soleimani who welcomed him.
62岁的苏莱曼尼有一张窄脸，头发灰白，留着短须。经过阿拉伯之春和与伊斯兰国的战争，他近年来已成为公众人物，通常会和伊朗实现地区主导优势的行动联系在一起。有照片显示，他访问了伊拉克或叙利亚的前线，在德黑兰会见伊朗最高领袖，并在黎巴嫩与真主党领导人哈桑·纳斯鲁拉(Hassan Nasrallah)会面。叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德(Bashar Assad)去年访问德黑兰时，接待他的也是苏莱曼尼。
By the end of 2019, Soleimani could boast of a number of Iranian accomplishments: Assad, a longtime Iranian ally, was safely in power in Damascus, Syria’s capital, prevailing in a bloody, multifront, yearslong civil war; and the Quds Force had a permanent presence on Israel’s frontier. And the Islamic State had been defeated in Syria and Iraq — thanks, in part, to ground forces he had overseen, one area where he and the United States shared interests.
到2019年底，伊朗已经取得一系列让苏莱曼尼值得夸耀的成就：伊朗的长期盟友阿萨德在叙利亚首都大马士革稳固掌权，并在一场多线作战、持续多年的惨烈内战中获胜；“圣城军”成为以色列边境地区一个固定的存在。伊斯兰国在叙利亚和伊拉克被击败，这在一定程度上要感谢他执掌的地面部队，在伊斯兰国问题上，他和美国是有共同利益的。
For the past 18 months, officials said, there had been discussions about whether to target Soleimani. By the time tensions with Iran spiked in May with attacks on four oil tankers, John Bolton, then the president’s national security adviser, asked the military and intelligence agencies to produce new options to deter Iranian aggression. Among those presented to Bolton was killing Soleimani and other leaders of the Guard. At that point, work to track Soleimani’s travels grew more intense.
官员们表示，在过去18个月里，他们一直在讨论是否要以苏莱曼尼为目标。今年5月，随着四艘油轮遭到攻击，伊朗与美国的紧张关系达到顶峰，时任总统国家安全顾问约翰·博尔顿(John Bolton)要求军方和情报机构拿出新方案遏制伊朗的步步进逼。呈送给博尔顿的方案中包括击毙苏莱曼尼和其他卫队领导人。当时，追踪苏莱曼尼行踪的工作开始增加强度。
By September, the U.S. Central Command and Joint Special Operations Command were brought into the process to plan a possible operation. Agents recruited in Syria and Iraq began reporting on Soleimani’s movements, according to an official involved.
到9月，美国中央司令部和联合特种作战司令部被纳入这一工作，以规划可能的行动。据一名参与此事的官员透露，在叙利亚和伊拉克招募的特工开始汇报苏莱曼尼的动向。
Soleimani set off on his last trip on New Year’s Day, flying to Damascus and then heading by car to Lebanon to meet with Nasrallah, the Hezbollah leader, before returning to Damascus that evening. During their meeting, Nasrallah said in a later speech, he warned Soleimani that the U.S. news media was focusing on him and publishing his photograph.
苏莱曼尼在元旦那天踏上了此生最后一次行程。他先是飞往大马士革，然后乘车前往黎巴嫩，与真主党领导人纳斯鲁拉会面，当晚才返回大马士革。纳斯鲁拉在后来的一次讲话中说，在会晤期间，他警告苏莱曼尼说，美国新闻媒体正在关注他，并刊发他的照片。
“This was media and political preparation for his assassination,” Nasrallah said.
“这是为暗杀他所做的媒体和政治准备，”纳斯鲁拉说。
But as he recalled, Soleimani laughed and said that he hoped to die a martyr and asked Nasrallah to pray that he would.
但据他回忆，苏莱曼尼笑着说，自己希望成为烈士，并请纳斯鲁拉为他祈祷。
At Spy Headquarters, Seeing a ‘Mosaic Effect’
在间谍总部，看到“马赛克效应”
That same day, at CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia, Gina Haspel was working to fulfill that prayer.
同一天，在弗吉尼亚州兰利的中情局总部，吉娜·哈斯佩尔(Gina Haspel)正在设法帮他实现这个愿望。
Haspel, the director, was shown intelligence indicating that Soleimani was preparing to move from Syria to Iraq. Officials told her there was additional intelligence that he was working on a large-scale attack intended to drive U.S. forces out of the Middle East.
作为局长的哈斯佩尔得到情报显示，苏莱曼尼正准备从叙利亚转移到伊拉克。官员告诉她，还有其他情报显示，他正在策划一场大规模袭击，目的是将美军赶出中东。
There was no single definitive piece of intelligence. Instead, officials said, CIA officers spoke of the “mosaic effect,” multiple scraps of information that came together indicating that Soleimani was organizing proxy forces around the region, including in Lebanon, Yemen and Iraq, to attack U.S. embassies and bases.
没有任何明确情报。官员们说，中情局官员只是谈到“马赛克效应”，多种零散的信息拼凑在一起，表明苏莱曼尼正在黎巴嫩、也门和伊拉克地区组织代理部队，袭击美国大使馆和基地。
There was little dissent about killing Soleimani among Trump’s senior advisers, but some Pentagon officials were shocked that the president picked what they considered the most extreme option, and some intelligence officials worried that the possible long-term ramifications were not adequately considered, particularly if action on Iraqi soil prompted Iraq to expel U.S. forces.
特朗普的高级顾问们几乎一致同意杀死苏莱曼尼，但一些五角大楼官员感到震惊，总统选择了他们认为最极端的选项，一些情报官员也担心总统没有充分考虑可能的长期后果，特别是如果在伊拉克国土采取行会促使伊拉克驱逐美军。
Soleimani died in the mangled wreckage at Baghdad’s airport. Altogether, 10 people were killed — Soleimani, al-Muhandis and their aides. Al-Muhandis had helped found Hezbollah, the militia held responsible for the Dec. 27 rocket attack that killed the American contractor.
苏莱曼尼死在了巴格达机场的一座废墟中。总共有10人死亡，包括苏莱曼尼、穆汉迪斯和他们的助手。穆汉迪斯曾参与真主党的创建，该组织是去年12月27日导致那名美国承包商丧生的火箭弹袭击的元凶。
Trump issued bellicose threats to destroy Iran if it retaliated, including cultural treasures — in violation of international law — touching off international outrage and forcing his own defense secretary to publicly disavow the threat, saying it would be a war crime.
特朗普发表了挑衅性的威胁，如果伊朗报复就将其摧毁，包括其文物——这是违反国际法的——引发了国际社会的愤怒，他自己的国防部长不得不公开否认这一威胁，称那将是战争罪行。
Trump was largely alone on the world stage. No major European power voiced support for the drone strike, even as leaders agreed that Soleimani had blood on his hands.
特朗普在世界舞台上基本上是孤家寡人。没有哪个欧洲大国对无人机袭击表示支持，尽管这些国家的领导人也认为苏莱曼尼手上沾满鲜血。
Trump’s withdrawal from the 2015 nuclear accord with Iran has been a major point of contention. European leaders deeply resented the unilateral pullout, seeing that as a grave error that started a cycle of sanctions and recriminations that led to the seven-day showdown and now the restart of the Iranian nuclear program.
特朗普退出2015年与伊朗达成的核协议一直是争论的重点。欧洲领导人对他单方面退出深感不满，认为这是一个严重的错误，启动了一系列制裁和相互指责，导致了七日对峙，以及现在伊朗核计划的重启。
The most important European country in these seven days, it turned out, was Switzerland, which has served as the intermediary between the United States and Iran since they broke off diplomatic relations in 1980.
实际上，这七天中最重要的欧洲国家是瑞士，自1980年美伊断交以来，它一直是美国和伊朗之间的中间人。
Hours after the strike, Markus Leitner, the Swiss ambassador in Tehran, headed to the Iranian Foreign Ministry, according to a Swiss analyst. The Americans had sent a letter to the Iranians through the Swiss warning against any retaliation for the drone strike that would incite further military action by Trump.
一位瑞士分析人士说，袭击行动几小时后，瑞士驻德黑兰大使马库斯·莱特纳(Markus Leitner)前往伊朗外交部。美国人通过瑞士给伊朗人发了一封信警告说，任何报复无人机袭击的行为将促使特朗普采取进一步的军事行动。
The Americans “said that if you want to get revenge, get revenge in proportion to what we did,” Rear Adm. Ali Fadavi, deputy commander of the Guard, told Iranian state television.
革命卫队副指挥官阿里·法达威(Ali Fadavi)海军少将对伊朗国家电视台说，美国人表示“如果你想报仇，要与我们的行动对等”。
Unbeknown to the Iranians, Trump had agreed to targeting the other sites originally considered — the oil and gas facility and the command-in-control ship — as part of any further retaliation that might be necessary if Iran responded to the drone strike.
伊朗人不知道的是，特朗普已经同意将原先考虑的其他地点——石油和天然气设施以及指挥舰——作为目标，如果伊朗对无人机袭击做出回应，有必要的话，这些将是进一步报复的部分目标。
On Tuesday, the Defense Special Missile and Astronautics Center, part of the National Security Agency, pulled together multiple strands of information, including overhead imagery and communication intercepts, to conclude that an Iranian missile strike on Iraqi bases was coming, officials said. The center sent the warning to the White House.
官员说，周二，国家安全局下属的国防特种导弹与航天中心(Defense Special Missile and Astronautics Center)搜集了多方面信息，包括卫星图像和通讯截获，得出伊朗即将对伊拉克基地进行导弹袭击的结论。该中心向白宫发出了警告。
Vice President Mike Pence and O’Brien immediately headed to the Situation Room in the basement, joined later by the president and Pompeo. At the Pentagon, Defense Secretary Mark Esper and the entire Joint Chiefs of Staff, led by its chairman, Gen. Mark Milley, convened in a third-floor conference room and discussed how to move troops and families in the region to safer locations.
副总统迈克·彭斯(Mike Pence)和奥布莱恩立即前往位于地下的白宫战情室，总统和庞皮欧随后加入。在五角大楼，国防部长马克·埃斯珀(Mark Esper)、参谋长联席会议全体人员以及主席马克·米莱(Mark Milley)将军在三楼会议室开会，讨论了如何将该地区的部队和家属转移到更安全的地方。
Just after 5:30 p.m., an almost robotic voice came over a speakerphone in the Situation Room. “Sir, we have indications of a launch at 22:30 Zulu Time from western Iran in the direction of Iraq, Syria and Jordan.” Reports began coming in faster. The missiles were staggered, but most were streaking toward Al Asad Air Base in Iraq, home to 2,000 U.S. troops.
下午5:30刚过，战情室的扬声电话传来了机器人般的声音。“长官，有迹象显示，祖鲁时间22:30有从伊朗西部向伊拉克、叙利亚和约旦方向的发射。”前方来报的频率开始增加。导弹是分批发射的，但大多数朝着伊拉克的阿萨德空军基地飞去，该基地有2000名美军。
The barrage ended after an hour, but base commanders ordered troops to remain in shelter in case more missiles came. Around 7:30, about an hour after the strikes concluded, Esper and Milley headed to the White House to meet with Trump.
一小时后轰炸结束，但基地指挥官命令部队继续躲在掩体中，以防还有更多导弹来袭。袭击结束约一个小时后，大约7:30，埃斯珀和米莱前往白宫与特朗普会面。
The missiles damaged a helicopter, some tents and other structures but, thanks to the advance warning, inflicted no casualties. And through the Swiss came another message: That was it. That was Iran’s retribution.
导弹破坏了一架直升机、一些帐篷和其他建筑物，但由于提前得到警报，没有造成人员伤亡。另一个消息通过瑞士传来：就这些了。伊朗的报复到此为止。
The Americans were struck by the speed of the communication; it was shown to Trump and Pompeo within five minutes after the Swiss received it from Iran.
美国人对通讯的速度感到震惊；瑞士收到伊朗方面的消息五分钟后，特朗普和庞皮欧就收到了。
The next morning Trump addressed the nation from the White House, and while he excoriated Iran’s “campaign of terror,” he made clear he would not retaliate further.
翌日早上，特朗普在白宫发表讲话，谴责伊朗的“恐怖活动”，但他明确表示不会再进行报复。
“Iran appears to be standing down,” he said, adding that he was “ready to embrace peace with all who seek it.”
“伊朗似乎后退了，”他说，并且他“愿意与所有想要和平的国家和平相处。”
After seven days of saber rattling and fresh deployments, the immediate march to war had ended. But inside the security establishment, few consider the crisis to be over. In the months to come, they expect Iran to regroup and find ways to strike back.
经过7天的刀光剑影和增兵部署后，即将爆发的战争戛然而止。但是在安全机构内部，很少有人认为危机已经过去。他们预计在未来几个月内，伊朗会重新组织并找到反击的方法。
“Soleimani as a person inspired the masses. He was a national icon. He symbolized the struggle,” said Ali Alfoneh, a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington who studies Iran. “But he was also a very small part of a very large organization.
“苏莱曼尼是个鼓舞人心的人物。他是民族偶像。他是斗争的化身，”华盛顿阿拉伯海湾国家研究所高级研究员阿里·阿方尼(Ali Alfoneh)说。“但是，他也只是一个非常庞大的组织里的一个非常小的部分。”
“Yes, it is decapitated,” he added, “but the organization is not destroyed."
“是的，组织被斩首了，”他还说，“但并未被消灭。”